The regular PSC conference has become extraordinary: the first major meeting of the primary campaign for the Catalan elections on 12 May. The turn of events of the House of Commons' rejection of the government's general accounts not only killed two birds with one stone by leaving Catalonia and the whole of Spain without budgets, it also changed the electoral calendar. The PSP is not a centrist party – it belongs to the Social Democratic Left and to the Catalan Federalists – but it has regained its centrality in Catalan politics and presents itself as the “quiet force”. The promotions of mayors Louisa Moret and Noria Barlon, deputy chief secretary and spokesperson, are among the most notable changes in the executive branch.
The party formed by Juan Reventos begins the electoral race leading the polls and as the winner of the last electoral cycle: Catalans in 2021 (23%), municipalities (23.7%) and General (34.5%) in 2023. It was born so that the citizens of Catalonia do not have to decide identity plan, they hit bottom in the process and then recover in the post-operation phase. First by Mikel Isita, who has been confirmed as party president, and then by Salvador Illa, who is trying to make “useful politics” replace the divisive debate about who we are, with the transverse debate about what we do.
Ella follows the path of the tradella player Roma Planas, his political mentor, who taught him that in politics, as President Tradella said, you can do anything but absurdity. “Public service” and “excellence” – after process, institutions – is the slogan he has embraced since his brief victory in the Catalan elections three years ago, which positioned him as opposition leader, first before the ERC and the JxCat government, and then before the minority government of President Aragonés. At the conclusion of the conference, he asked, “What does turning the page mean?” and he replied: “Unite and serve the Catalans.” 12-M voters will decide if Istiklal continues to have a majority in seats or if they give the PSC a strong majority such that Illa becomes the new president.
On the other hand, the change in text resulting from the advancement of Catalan women has its roots in Spanish politics. The electoral year – Galician, Basque and European – includes the Catalan appointment less than a month before the European Chamber elections. This was the test facing the PSOE after its failure in Galicia and which had to be used to assess the cost of the amnesty law and the degree of erosion due to the Koldu affair. Now, a PSC victory would strengthen Pedro Sánchez's position, but if Illa does not reach the presidency of the General State, his failure could herald an abrupt end to the Spanish legislature.
The Spanish derivative of 12-M was reflected in the conference: Zapatero participated in the opening and Sánchez in the closing. His diagnosis — “Catalonia will not advance alone or divided; it will advance united” — and his prescription: “Strengthening autonomy.” It would be desirable for the electoral debate to focus on the challenges facing Catalonia, so that the future of its citizens is not pivotal but pivotal. Illa has started the election well, but he will have to overcome two obstacles: the unknowns about the costs of the pardon, and the wounds left by the Koldu case that his opponents will bury.
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